The recently published report ‘Rethinking affirmative action for Muslims in contemporary India’, has attempted to revisit the question of Muslim marginalisation while recognising the contribution of the Sachhar Commission (2006) in transforming Muslim backwardness into policy concerns.
The study marks a significant departure from previous research on Muslim backwardness in two ways. It pace close attention to the changing nature of the Indian state. It uses the term charitable state to describe the changes introduced by the BJP NDA government to give new meaning to existing versions of welfarers without deleting from the national economic concern on open market. The government has created a new official category labhartihs ( beneficiaries), for direct benefit transfer. In this scheme the open market economy is recognised as the driving force for infrastructure development while welfare is envisaged as official generosity. A new vocabulary of welfarism is based on concepts like the Bhartiya model of inclusive development, humanist-welfare approach, and Antyodaya welfarism is introduced to provide concrete shape to the present policy discourse. There is a shift from ‘group- centric” approach of affirmative action to ‘Space- Centre’ welfare. The report explores placing of Muslim community in the apparatus of affirmative action.
Secondly, it gives emphasis to everyday Muslim perceptions. While common Muslims are recognised as the real stakeholders of development discourse, there is a tendency to down play their views anxieties and aspirations in policy discussions. Consultation with community leaders, experts and intellectual elites is often recognised as the best possible mode to collect Muslims imaginations. Although one cannot underestimate the significance of community level consultations there has always been need to give adequate attention to actual Muslim responses. In fact this was one of the criticism of the such a Commission full stop this report price to address this. Treating the CSDS- Lokniti data archive as a major source, Muslims perceptions, expectations, aspirations and anxieties these about the socio- economic backwardness and marginalisation are systematically explored.
This systematic examination of survey data makes it clear that most of the programs introduced by the state in recent years have reached out to Muslims. Muslim communities are positively engaging with and equally likely as others to benefit from welfare schemes. The charitable State model, in this sense is accepted by Muslims at the grassroots level as an effective form of social engagement with public policy. This acceptance of short- term and low -cost welfarism, however, should not be exaggerated.
Muslims are a bit apprehensive about the viability of the charitable state model in dealing with the long term economic problems. The state is expected to intervene in the economic sphere – not merely to generate employment opportunities but also to address the question of economic disparities and inequalities. That was the reason why the economic concerns- growing poverty, unemployment and price rise have been identified as the most precious issues by Muslim communities. The charitable state model is mainly scene as a temporary way out in this socio- economic context.
The report offers two broad principles for a revised interpretation of affirmative action. First, the social policy framework must be based on a completely secular criteria of social -economic backwardness. Second, the state must ensure a positive, non discriminately official portrayal of Muslim cultural identity in the public sphere. These principles are elaborated to offer a workable plan of action.
More specifically, three policy avenues are highlighted. First, the document offers a different perspective on the much talked about idea of Muslim reservation recognising the political nature of Muslim reservation debate, it is strongly asserted that there is no need for religion based quota under the OBC category. Instead, a rational, secular sub- category of OBC could be explored. At the same time, the demand made by pasmanda groups that dalit muslims and dalit Christians must be included in the Schedule Caste SC category is reiterated. This expansion of the SC list will make it more secular and inclusive. It also makes a case for re -evaluating the existing 50% cap on reservations.
The second set of recommendations is about the efficacy of existing programs and schemes. The space -Centric approach for affirmative action should be treated in a Foundation criteria, the convergence of Transformation of Aspirational District Program ( TADP) and the Minority Concentration District( MCD) could be one such example to address multifaceted Muslim marginalization at the district level. A conscious and proactive policy may be useful for those professions in which muslims are excessively represented. The report proposes that policy package must be introduce, which may include upscaling and modernization of small -scale enterprises, availability of financial support, and upskilling manpower to make Muslim artisans tech- friendly.
Finally, the documents strongly argues that the private sector needs to be approached for social welfare to create possibilities for effective dialogues with different stakeholders. This effort, it is hoped, will expand the scope of the debate on Muslim aspiration in the present context.
The report is authored by Ahmed, Mohd sanjeer Alam(CSDS) and Nazim a Perveen (PPP)
this is true typed copy.
 | ReplyForwardAdd reaction |